How quickly the June 12 Singapore fiasco with North Korea has vanished from the media! For a few days, Trump looked foolish but obscured it with the NATO, England and Putin meetings and Kavanaugh nomination.

Trump never admits error or takes blame. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, however, who set up and attempted to implement the non-deal, could catch blame for trusting Pyongyang and embarrassing his boss. He could be a short-termer.

Ironically, hardlining Pompeo used to be deeply suspicious of North Korea. If he had stuck with that, he’d be seen as firm and wise. Why ever did he change? Only one explanation fits: President Trump wanted a flashy diplomatic breakthrough and ordered Pompeo to set it up.

Too eagerly, Pompeo did, in two preparatory visits to Pyongyang, ignoring expert advice that Kim would never give up his nukes. After Singapore, Pompeo huffily told journalists that denuclearization, although little mentioned at the meeting, would soon be fleshed out.

Apparently Pompeo tried to do that last week, on his third visit to Pyongyang, by holding what he thought were “productive” and “good-faith negotiations” on complete denuclearization before any sanctions are lifted. The North Koreans, supposing they could stall on keeping their nukes indefinitely, kept Pompeo’s visit formal and chilly. After he flew off, they called his demands “regrettable” and “gangster-like,” in effect scuttling the Singapore deal, the fourth such deception since the 1990s.

Trump misunderstood the Singapore summit from the start. Thinking that global deals are based on handshakes and flattery, Trump jumped through Kim’s hoops: a war scare, relieved by a North Korea-South Korea summit, followed by the euphoric U.S.-NorK summit, after which denuclearization could be shelved. Kim would get sanctions lifted and the U.S. out of South Korea but keep his nukes. Trump could tweet that he had eliminated the nuclear threat and deserved a Nobel Peace Prize.

It might have worked except for Pompeo’s silly insistence that North Korea first give up its nukes. Soon U.S. intelligence and open sources (see “38 North” online) noticed that North Korean processing of fissile materials was proceeding without pause. They barely hid it.

Trump handled Singapore by ignoring it, and the media asked few questions. The gushy video clips show attempted con jobs on both sides. Trump may suggest that Pompeo, who is now an embarrassment, misinformed him and accept his resignation. In truth, both were played.

Pompeo is another example of capable people who joined Trump to calm and guide an untutored, mercurial president. They conned themselves into thinking they would be the “adults” and “guardrails.” But Trump doesn’t take advice, especially from experts.

The next revolving-door appointment will likely be new National Security Advisor John Bolton, who was more scathing of Kim’s con than anyone else in Washington when he was with the conservative American Enterprise Institute. Like Pompeo, he had to swallow his doubts if he wanted the top job.

Can political position be so intoxicating that mature, intelligent individuals debase themselves for it? They suppose they’ll speak truth to power at the highest levels, injecting reason and evidence into decisions. In office, if they disagree with the president, they “lose effectiveness.” And if they simply agree with him, they never were effective.

Basically, one of three things could happen:

1. Trump, thinking he still has a warm understanding with Kim, blames Pompeo for pushing denuclearization too hard. Pyongyang left the door open to this as Kim appended friendly greetings to Trump to the denunciation. Unlikely. Trump would take an electoral hit.

2. Kim, realizing he has a lot to lose, backs down and withdraws the denunciations in order to keep talks going. Also unlikely. If attempted, talks would again hit the nuclear wall.

3. The whole Singapore non-deal collapses and is rarely mentioned again. Likely. The upshot is embarrassing (good) but not catastrophic. Let us not bemoan the absence of something that was never going to happen anyway (denuclearization) and consider the likely long-term consequences, not all of them bad for us.

North Korea will continue to build nukes. Let ’em. They are almost perfectly unusable — except for deterrence — but consume a large fraction of their defense budget. If they use them, they know what retaliation will bring. Pyongyang flung away the chance to come out into the world and enjoy economic growth. So much the worse for them.

U.S. forces will remain in South Korea, and joint military exercises will resume, exactly what Pyongyang fears. Beijing, which has always wanted to push the U.S. out of Asia, still has American forces on its doorstep.

A sobered Trump administration may improve defense arrangements with South Korea and Japan and even with the proposed “Quadrangle” of the U.S., Japan, Australia and India. Trump’s summit with Putin — also ill-advised — may be more cautious, assuming Trump has a learning curve. If he again fawns over a dictator, he has learned nothing.