The Republicans are split between a Trumpist majority and a traditional Republican minority. The Democrats are also split, but the proportions are reversed: mainstream centrist Democrats are the majority while “woke” purists are the minority.

Blacks have used woke for generations to denounce injustice, but, thanks to social media, the term expanded far beyond Black Lives Matter to activate White radicals, identity politics, LGBT advocates and others who protest societal unfairness. Wokeness is a broad mood that defies clear definition. (A mirror image on the right: The social media turned disgruntled individuals bypassed by the economy, demography and culture into Trumpists.)

As a UCLA and Berkeley undergraduate in the late 1950s, I awakened to ubiquitous racism. In that sense, I have been “woke” for two-thirds of a century. I remember a worried talk in 1957 by a Methodist minister from a multiracial church in the Watts section of Los Angeles. He predicted Watts would explode over racial tension. It did, in 1965.

So far, President Biden has kept the Democrats together by giving minorities and progressives some of what they want in policies and appointments without giving them everything.

On the left of the Democrats, “woke” and “racism” have become multipurpose bludgeons to “cancel” anyone who deviates from their angry culture. Wokeness may be strongest on the West Coast, but Republicans use it against all Democrats. Voter revulsion to woke provocations contributed to Trump’s 2016 victory and the Democrats’ loss of 13 House seats last November.

Wokeness could be the latest manifestation of 1950s and 1960s radicalism that ranged from Marxism to anti-Vietnam War to Berkeley’s free-speech movement to the Weathermen. Today, wokes concentrate on symbols, as if toppling statues, banishing words and trashing downtowns improves anyone’s lot. In San Francisco, renaming schools preoccupies wokes.

Wokeness is not the same as the long struggle for equality, which proceeds unevenly as legal reforms take hold. Few wokes are turnout activists such as Stacey Abrams, who became a key figure by turning the Georgia vote last year. Progressives and leftists, who concentrate on social-class issues like economic fairness, mostly see wokeness as a distraction.

Wokes label any nuance or deviation “racism.” This may include “cultural misappropriation,” as when Whites use clothing or food derived from another group (e.g., African-patterned shirts). Such political correctness can get silly. Borrowing and synthesizing is how cultures grow.

Even racial or ethnic categories used to analyze current trends are suspect. Identity politics — which I dislike — depends on people voicing their identity, which wokes allow only for certain identities. Wokes can ally with other wokes (“intersectionality”) but only weakly connect with liberals outside wokedom.

On the Republican side, Trumpists lose allies, a process Trump’s second impeachment accelerated. I initially doubted the value of this trial, but the previously unseen searing videos repel voters from the GOP. Both sides played impeachment to win voters, not senators. Should witnesses have been called? That risked repetition and overkill.

Trump was reportedly disgusted with his chaotic defense attorneys, who at times worked against his interests. Bruce Castor urged “go and arrest him” after the trial, hardly helpful to his client. Senator McConnell, seeking to hold the GOP together in an elusive middle ground, seconded. He excoriated Trump’s deceptions but claimed Trump was constitutionally beyond conviction. Trump got off on a technicality.

McConnell, however, alienates Trumpist legislators, who in turn will be forever charged that they trembled at Trump’s feet. The episode boosted interest in proportional representation (PR), ranked-choice voting and new parties. The two-party system no longer serves America’s complex electorate.

Trump’s civil and criminal cases may last years. If he loses even a couple, he could be broke and behind bars, ending his fear-laden hold on the GOP. Some candidates may use the Trumpist base to win primaries but lose general elections. Republican politicians who calculated they needed Trump voters could turn away from and even against him.

For example, former South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley, Trump’s U.N. ambassador, loyally defended him until January. Then she abruptly denounced Trump’s election-victory pretense and abandonment of Vice President Pence. Haley, an Indian-American, has presidential ambitions. Pence, studiously silent since Jan. 6, declined to speak at last week’s CPAC.

The Republicans’ challenge is to make a post-Trump transition that doesn’t strand them on the wrong side of popular issues, such as the $15 minimum wage. If they attempt to block it, they give Democrats a rare opportunity to enlarge their House and Senate seats in the 2022 midterms by winning back some working-class Whites.

In wokeworld, few historical figures aren’t guilty of something. Renaming Columbus (he initiated destruction of Native Americans) or Washington (he owned slaves) could be either a threat or comic distraction. Woke extremism could damage the Democrats in 2022. Mainstream Democratic and Black leadership will condemn violence and wokeness. My hunch: wokeness has peaked and will recede.