This year’s election refuted several widely held myths:

Polling has been fixed. No it hasn’t. As in 2016, polls underestimated the Republican vote by several percentage points — most notably in the victory of Maine Senator Susan Collins, whom polls had shown slightly behind. Many respondents hid their true voting intentions.

Vote counting, thought to be ready, was woefully unprepared for the millions of mail-in ballots. State officials did not understand that absentee ballots take much longer to count than same-day ballots. Starting to count mail-ins a week or two early would have produced definitive results election night. Florida did this, and it worked smoothly. Georgia and Pennsylvania didn’t, and it was a mess.

Democrats’ dreams of a national sweep were dashed. Aside from the presidency, Republicans did well; they lost little in the Senate, gained in the House and kept their state legislatures and governorships. Republicans are now more cohesive than the fractionated Democrats.

Trump’s ownership of the Republican Party, always exaggerated, is now fading. Many GOP candidates outpolled Trump, showing the party separating from him. Many Republicans privately abhorred Trump and now denounce his wild claims of fraud.

Money wins elections and favors Republicans, a standard belief, proved untrue. Republicans beamed as Citizens United let millions pour in, but private money can jump parties, and this year Democrats got the most. Massive campaign spending did little or nothing to budge voters.

Biden will calm politics. Wishful. With Republicans claiming Biden stole the election, expect few good feelings or policy breakthroughs. Even passing budgets and pandemic relief will be difficult. Biden faces massive tasks in repairing our battered civility, institutions and international standing. Record firearm sales reveal a tense, frightened country.

Republican judges obey Trump. No, they toss out his demands to disqualify Biden’s mail-in ballots. Even with Amy Coney Barrett’s hasty promotion, SCOTUS will likely let stand state rules on mail-in votes. What the justices think of Trump they keep to themselves. A Supreme Court that keeps Trump in office would make us instant Belarus. (Unfair to Belarusians, who have stayed civil.)

The Supreme Court is insulated from politics. Nonsense. Every SCOTUS decision to overturn precedent and legislation will help elect Democrats. The Republican court knows that, and it will make their decisions cautious, nuanced and divided.

Republicans nearly repealed the Affordable Care Act in 2017, blocked only by Sen. John McCain’s thumbs-down. Actually, the Republicans were lucky, because they had nothing to replace it with. And still don’t.

As the new court deliberates overturning Obamacare, its 6-3 Republican majority surely pauses. The 21 million Americans who lose health coverage and millions more who lose coverage for pre-existing conditions will tend for years to the Democrats. Many Americans will disrespect and doubt the court, one of Chief Justice Roberts’ concerns.

SCOTUS may find—contrary to the lawsuit before it, which demands overturn of the entire ACA—that the Act is “severable,” that is, pieces can be found unconstitutional but most of it can remain. We are likely to see Obamacare repaired rather than replaced.

The Federalist Society, to which all six conservative justices belong or belonged, demands “originalist” interpretations of the Constitution. Since the Constitution does not mention “health” or “medical,” they are not the province of the federal government. Impeccable if crimped logic, but how much are the Six willing to disrupt? Principle, yes, but which principle—”original intent” or “domestic tranquility”? Roberts seems to have made his choice.

The Constitution says nothing about medical care, education, income, environment or gender equality, prompting conservatives to question federal supervision of them. They are inclined to let such matters revert to the states, as per the Tenth Amendment. The Constitution’s “elastic clause” (Art. I, Sect. 8), they argue, has been stretched way past its intended purpose.

Such reasoning can blow back. If the Six overturn the entire Affordable Care Act, Democrats will try to expand Medicare and move closer to a single-payer federal system. “Buy-in Medicare” would let everyone of any age buy federal medical insurance, especially attractive to those without company health plans. Republicans may dislike this but will be under pressure to compromise.

Overturn of Roe v. Wade is certain. The court will likely return power to the states, Justice Scalia’s preference. Over 20 states already try to outlaw abortion. Those that do will suffer feminist wrath and the disinclination of some firms to locate in that state.

The Trump administration has rescinded nearly 200 administrative regulations, especially those safeguarding the environment, delighting industry. But individuals will sue polluters, and courts may apply “strict liability”—you polluted, so you pay for it. Harassed by lawsuits, industry will yearn for the old administrative rulings.

Partisans fail to foresee negative consequences. Every “good” move produces something “bad.” As physicians caution, all medications have side effects or aftereffects, some worse than the malady. That’s why we wait so long for a coronavirus vaccine.